This paper argues that the main challenge currently facing the EU is a community deficit: the low valuation the majority of its citizens accord the evolving collectivity. To deal with this community deficit, the author, Amitai Etzioni, warns that the EU must either introduce strong measures of community building or else significantly scale back its plans for collective action.

The small war between Georgia and Russia from 8 to 22 August 2008 has shattered any remaining illusions over the frontiers of the normative map of Europe. All the primary parties have to be criticised: Russia for setting a trap for Saakashvili to fall into, the Georgian leadership for its astounding military and political blunder in falling into it, and the United States for having failed to restrain its protégé. The first consequence is that Georgia has paid the price of Saakashvili’s folly, with the definitive loss of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Globalisation is more an opportunity than a menace and the European social model is not doomed. Globalisation is not a zero-sum game but there are undeniably adverse consequences. As a phenomenon of the late 20th and early 21st centuries, there can be little doubt that globalisation is something that resonates widely. But it is not easy to pin down conceptually or empirically. In fact, many of the fears surrounding globalisation are greatly exaggerated and even where justified tend to rest on an incomplete analysis of the process.

In the wake of the Irish no-vote on the Treaty of Lisbon, numerous scenarios are currently being debated. This paper critically assesses the legality and political feasibility of the principal proposals and then puts forward an alternative ‘Plan B’, which the authors believe would amply satisfy both criteria.

The idea of an official organisation of democratic states wishing to promote democracy worldwide has surfaced periodically in recent years. In 2000 the Community of Democracies was inaugurated and survives as a body committed to supporting democratic change. Now the notion is gaining further currency. US Presidential candidate John McCain has advocated a League of Democracies. And analyst Robert Kagan, an advisor to McCain, has recently made a contribution on the subject.

Political relations between Russia and both the EU and the US have recently reflected an extended legacy of distrust and resentment. But renewal of leadership is now on the horizon in all three cases: in Russia already in May, in the US by the end of the year, and for the EU the Lisbon Treaty will bring at the turn of the year a new Presidency of the European Council and a reinforced role for the High Representative for foreign affairs.

Iceland has developed an oversized banking system – with assets valued at 8 times its GDP – which has effectively transformed the country into a hedge fund. Domestic banks have borrowed heavily abroad to buy foreign banking assets, leveraging their capital base several times over. As a bust is following the global boom in the banking sector, the country is highly exposed to the current crisis.

President Sarkozy’s proposed Union for the Mediterranean (or UMed) has so far been poorly conceived and, to say the least, awkwardly presented politically. However this does not mean that nothing good can come of it. The Barcelona process and its confusing combination with the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) have been neither a disaster nor a brilliant success. There is a case for streamlining a single European Mediterranean policy, rationalising and properly integrating Barcelona, the ENP and some new elements of the regional initiative that France is proposing.

The EU emissions trading scheme (EU-ETS) introduced in 2005 is the only mandatory cap-and-trade system operating in the world today. Lessons could be taken from the EU stance which allows for flexibility in rules and realises emission reductions with firm commitments by stakeholders.
This CEPS Policy Brief is published in a bilingual English-Japanese version. The Japanese version was originally published in Nihon Keizai Shimbun, 14 February 2008.

This paper is based on ongoing research being carried out in the context of the ADAM project (ADaptation And Mitigation strategies: supporting European climate policy), funded by the European Commission. While initial responses to the challenges of climate change concentrated on mitigation, in particular reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in an attempt to curb the growth in global temperatures, there is now increasing recognition of the need for nations, communities and individuals, to adapt to some level of climate change, even with reductions in emissions.

At the end of the German Presidency, in June 2007, the EU adopted “The EU and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership”. It was the first-ever EU strategy developed for Central Asia, and in this way, it marked a real breakthrough in the relations between European and Central Asian countries.

Kosovo has raised three international debates. Firstly, NATO’s decision in March 1999 to go to war over Kosovo created a deep division within the United Nations. The second debate was about the creation of an international administration for Kosovo and the third is now about the future status of the territory. The six ‘just war’ principles - a just cause, last resort, likelihood of success, proportionality, right intentions and legitimate authority - are traditionally applied to war settings in order to assess the legitimacy of the use of force.

There has been a growing interest in the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate, a multilateral initiative of six founding partner countries in the region – Australia, China, India, Japan, Republic of Korea and the US – for addressing air pollution, energy security and climate protection in a way that facilitates development and poverty eradication. Canada became the 7th member in October 2007. This paper presents an overview of the Asia Pacific Partnership, beginning with a literature review.

Agreement was reached by the EU member states in June 2007 to remove the competition phrase contained in Article 3(1)(g) of the EC Treaty from the new Reform Treaty and create a ‘competition protocol’ that includes the words from Article 3(1)(g). This paper argues such treatment of the matter is inadequate to protect the current competition acquis and ensure the healthy future development of Community competition law.